In the political history of the Indian subcontinent, student wings of major political parties have long functioned as more than auxiliary organisations. They serve as leadership pipelines, training grounds where activism, organisation, and ideological grooming shape future national leaders. Weakening or dismantling these student wings has therefore often been viewed as a strategic attempt to cripple a party’s future leadership and long-term political capacity.
In Bangladesh, this tradition has been deeply embedded. The Bangladesh Students’ League (BSL), founded in 1948 by the Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, has historically played a central role in the political evolution of the Bangladesh Awami League, founded on 23 June 1949. From the 1952 Language Movement to the 1971 Liberation War, the organisation’s contribution to Bangladesh’s political and national struggle remains a significant part of the country’s history. Although formally described as a “brotherly organisation” in party documents, BSL has functioned as the Bangladesh Awami League’s principal student wing since the party’s founding.
Following the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government, the Dr Muhammad Yunus led interim administration has pursued an unprecedented strategy, not merely to weaken the Bangladesh Awami League’s present leadership, but to dismantle its future by systematically targeting its student base.
Dr Yunus, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate once internationally recognised for promoting peace and reconciliation, is now accused by critics of introducing a political culture that could make peace in Bangladesh increasingly elusive. Opposition leaders and human rights advocates report mass arrests, politically motivated lawsuits, corruption allegations, and organised mob violence against Bangladesh Awami League supporters. While political repression by ruling authorities is not uncommon in South Asian politics, observers argue that the current approach marks a decisive and dangerous shift.
What distinguishes the present situation is the weaponisation of education itself.
Universities as Political Battlegrounds:
After 5 August 2024, sweeping changes reportedly took place across universities and colleges nationwide. Academic administrations were reshaped, with vice chancellors, pro vice chancellors, and registrars allegedly appointed along partisan lines.
Mahfuz Alam, former information adviser to the interim government, publicly acknowledged that individuals affiliated with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Bangladesh Jamaat e Islami had taken control of key administrative positions across the education sector. According to his statement, following the formation of the interim government on August 8, vice chancellors were appointed by the BNP and Bangladesh Jamaat e Islami. He further stated that in institutions where the vice chancellor was not from Bangladesh Jamaat e Islami, the pro vice chancellor often was.
Soon after these changes, university administrations allegedly initiated mass expulsions of students identified as leaders, activists, or even former supporters of the Bangladesh Students League, often without due process or formal disciplinary proceedings. Students were expelled for varying durations, ranging from temporary suspensions to permanent academic bans.
At Dhaka University, reported figures include 128 students expelled, 35 arrested, more than 250 barred from classes and examinations, over 450 denied access to residential halls, and at least 20 subjected to mob violence on campus.
Comparable patterns have been reported across the country. At Jahangirnagar University, 289 students were expelled, 350 barred from examinations, and 400 denied residential accommodation. At Chittagong University, 84 students were expelled, 250 barred from examinations, and 400 denied halls. At Rajshahi University, 33 students were expelled, more than 200 unable to sit for examinations, and 300 denied halls. At Begum Rokeya University, Rangpur, 71 students were expelled, 250 barred from examinations, and 300 denied halls.
Medical and engineering institutions, traditionally insulated from political turbulence, have also been affected. Chittagong Medical College reportedly expelled 132 students, while Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET) recorded 35 expulsions and 25 hall evictions.
Beyond Public Universities:
The same pattern has also been observed in several private universities across the country. In these institutions, disciplinary actions against students alleged to have links with the Bangladesh Students League have often been swift, arbitrary, and, in some cases, driven by mob pressure rather than institutional inquiry. These actions bypass fundamental legal principles, including due process, the presumption of innocence, and the right to a fair hearing. This culture of rushed, emotion-driven punishment has caused wrongful expulsions, human rights violations, and a broader erosion of trust in educational governance, weakening both individual rights and the rule of law.
Colleges and the Scale of Exclusion:
The most severe impact has been felt across Bangladesh’s vast government college network. According to compiled data, the country’s 653 government colleges are witnessing systematic exclusion of students based on political affiliation.
Estimates indicate that more than 130,000 government college students nationwide are currently deprived of their basic educational rights. Over 52,000 students have been denied marksheets or certificates, while nearly 20,000 students have faced physical assault while attempting to attend classes or examinations.
In Dhaka Division alone, approximately 27,400 students are reported to be affected, with similar figures documented across Chattogram, Rajshahi, Khulna, Rangpur, Barishal, Sylhet, and Mymensingh divisions.
Criminalising Association and Silencing Sympathy:
In late 2024, the Yunus administration formally banned the Bangladesh Students League, a move described as the culmination of an already escalating campaign. The ban has gone beyond organisational prohibition and has evolved into a broader warning: any student expressing sympathy toward the Bangladesh Awami League or its student wing risks facing identical consequences.
This atmosphere of fear has effectively criminalised political opinion within educational institutions, turning campuses into zones of surveillance and punishment rather than learning, debate, and research.
A Break from the Past:
Political analysts argue that this marks a sharp departure from past political practices. During Sheikh Hasina’s tenure, prominent student leaders affiliated with opposition parties, including Shadik Kayem, former president of Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir, Dhaka University unit, and Abidul Islam Khan Abid, Assistant General Secretary, Bangladesh Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal, Dhaka University Unit, were able to complete their education without administrative obstruction.
The contrast underscores the emergence of a new political culture, one that extends beyond repression into institutionalised educational exclusion.
“A student should not be denied education simply because their party is not in power,” academicians observed. “Few actions are more inhumane than weaponising education for political revenge.”
An Unanswered Question:
As Bangladesh navigates this turbulent transition, a troubling question remains. Will this culture persist when today’s ruling forces are no longer in power? And if so, will the same machinery be turned against those who currently benefit from political alignment?
For many observers, the answer will determine not only the future of student politics, but also the credibility of Bangladesh’s educational institutions, the prospects for lasting peace, and the moral foundations of its democracy.
About the author: Imtiaz Hossen Rahim (Rabby) is a youth activist and undergraduate student at the Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET), Dhaka. Actively engaged in student politics and social advocacy, he focuses on issues related to educational rights, political participation, and youth empowerment in Bangladesh. Rahim has contributed to research and reporting on the intersection of education and politics, highlighting challenges faced by students in the country’s evolving socio-political landscape.
